"Why do we have to take the populists seriously? Because populists vote. And they have legitimate interests that are being ignored by the political class," Goodhart opens his lecture. David Goodhart is a renowned journalist and author, in his work The Road to Somewhere: The Populist Revolt and the Future of Politics (2017), he looks at the rise of populist forces. For him, events such as Brexit or Donald Trump's election as president are not isolated phenomena, but symptoms of deeper-rooted problems.

Above all, the areas of migration, education, family and state sovereignty are causing social friction. "Where higher classes see xenophobia, people from poorer backgrounds see unwelcome change that causes fear," says Goodhart. This fear is fuelled by populist parties. The turbo growth of liberal markets since the 1990s, which has left the rural population behind, is the main breeding ground for fears.

"The government has lost contact with a large part of the population. Thanks to social media, it no longer has information sovereignty, meaning that alternative views can spread," explains Goodhart with regard to Brexit. The social divide is both economic and cultural. The divide ranges from forced academisation and half-open borders to the dominance of London as an economic centre and an EU that places economic efficiency above the democratic voice of citizens.

Goodhart speaks of a new division into a few "Anywheres" and many "Somewheres". While Anywheres, as an educated elite, live an urban, mobile and autonomous life and are correspondingly open to change, Somewheres are tied to - often rural - places, less well educated and focussed on security and tradition. Education and context shape these identities and determine their view of the world. "Both world views are legitimate," says Goodhart, but the problem is that the views of the Somewheres are neglected in political discourse.

The discrepancy between mass higher education and a lack of job prospects adds fuel to the fire. "More and more people feel like failures: they study, but don't get the place in society that others get." Or they don't study and realise that our society values cognitive professions far more highly than manual or social ones.

This leads to frustration and disappointment. Nursing is a prime example. It is paradoxical that a welfare state has so little respect for welfare professions. Our knowledge society does not need more academics, but more technicians and carers. Social professions in particular are an area that is likely to be less affected by the massive upheavals caused by AI and automation.

So it is not meritocracy per se that is the problem, but the prevailing notion of merit: what work is worth how much? Goodhart quotes law professor Amy Wax, who emphasised that the overall social significance of care work cannot be reflected in our wage system.

Despite the far-reaching roots of populist discontent, Goodhart has suggestions for a solution. He calls for a "levelling up", an elimination of social, economic or regional inequalities. For example, by providing rural areas with broadband internet, reducing over-academisation in favour of lifelong learning and upgrading jobs that cannot be automated. There needs to be a common denominator between somewheres and anywheres and politicians who can navigate between the areas. Goodhart's wish for Europe? "Don't argue about populism. Take people's concerns seriously."